@ -11,11 +11,11 @@ Wouldn't this be a view of the mind, a bias against a system that, after all, on
Traditionally, migration historians have broken down the causes of migration into two poles: repulsive causes and attractive causes.
Repulsive causes are the set of reasons that can push individuals to leave their place of life: misery, famines, wars, political or religious conflicts.
Attractive causes are the search for new land and the attraction of fortune. The same then make subtle distinctions between “spontaneous” and organized migrations.
Attractive causes are the search for new land and the attraction of fortune. The same then make subtle distinctions between \enquote{spontaneous} and organized migrations.
Such definitions obviously guide the perception that one can have of migratory phenomena. First, repulsive causes and attractive causes combine in the majority of cases.
It is hard to imagine an individual driven from his home for many reasons looking for a place to live the same misery and persecution.
Second, the very notion of “spontaneous” migration is fallacious. Do we migrate spontaneously when fleeing intolerable political or economic situations?
Second, the very notion of \enquote{spontaneous} migration is fallacious. Do we migrate spontaneously when fleeing intolerable political or economic situations?
It would probably be more appropriate to talk about forced migration and individual or collective routes.
Migration is in essence the consequence of extreme situations where the individual has as an escape only the departure to an unknown place and destiny.
@ -23,6 +23,7 @@ It is then probably possible to distinguish between social advancement routes an
The social advancement route is planned by individuals who leave their place of residence with a medium- and long-term strategy of social advancement, for themselves or for the next generation.
Survival migration is the immediate response to intolerable situations: people flee to ensure their survival.
This type of migration often takes on a long-term character that the persons concerned had not originally expected.
Over the period in question, I will propose a classification — with the limits that any classification implies — distinguishing:
colonial migration, economic migration, and political migration. The two can also be combined.
@ -35,7 +36,7 @@ The African slave trade would represent, for the same period, between 7 and 9 mi
This does not stand up to analysis, especially when one takes into account the population density of Africa and the transport capacities of ships crossing the Atlantic.}.
The influence of capitalism on migration finds its first expression here.
Faced with the material problem of the “development” of Latin America, the Spanish and Portuguese quickly compensated for the disappearance of Indian slaves by importing a workforce from Africa.
Faced with the material problem of the \enquote{development} of Latin America, the Spanish and Portuguese quickly compensated for the disappearance of Indian slaves by importing a workforce from Africa.
Captured, transported as vulgar commodities, African slaves are employed in mines and farms for the benefit of the European, Spanish and Portuguese elites, soon Dutch, French and English.
In the nineteenth century, the attention of Europeans turned to Asia, Oceania and Africa. Not that these continents have not been known before.
Economic necessity drove Europeans to leave for the colonies.
The testimony of Marguerite Duras on the small French settlers in Indochina\footnote{\emph{Le barrage contre le Pacifique}(The dam against the Pacific)Paris, 1950}, that of Simenon in his report published in 1932 in \emph{Voilà} on colonial Africa, clearly show the springs of these departures:
a blocked future in metropolitan France, the possibility of living better in countries where, even without money, the European inevitably has an advantage over the colonized.
In his report entitled “The Hour of the Negro”, Simenon leaves no ambiguity. :
“ He (the European settler) will also leave because there, he has a boy who waxes his shoes and he can yell at him!
In his report entitled \enquote{The Hour of the Negro}, Simenon leaves no ambiguity:
\enquote{He (the European settler) will also leave because there, he has a boy who waxes his shoes and he can yell at him!
He will leave mainly because he has no other future, because places are scarce in France. (...)
There where, at least, the fact of being white, the last of the whites, is already a superiority... ”
There where, at least, the fact of being white, the last of the whites, is already a superiority...}
Nineteenth-century politicians and theorists had advocated settlements. This bet was successful in Oceania:
@ -66,7 +67,7 @@ The colonization of Australia began in the late eighteenth century.
The British were careful to prevent the settlement of non-European populations, including Chinese and Japanese.
First populated by convicts (they were 150,000 in the mid-nineteenth century), Australia then attracted breeders, then gold miners from 1851 with the discovery of gold resources.
This colonization continued late since from 1946, the Australian government favored the settlement of 1,500,000 migrants, mainly British.
This migratory movement continues to this day: since the end of apartheid, many “petty whites”\rfootnote{(\emph{Petits blancs} in the original, whose literal translation is \emph{little whites}, an expression refering to poor whites settlers.
This migratory movement continues to this day: since the end of apartheid, many \enquote{petty whites}\rfootnote{(\emph{Petits blancs} in the original, whose literal translation is \emph{little whites}, an expression refering to poor whites settlers.
White trash sounded too lumpen, little sounded like it was referring to height.)} from South Africa have settled in Australia.
Europeans have also tried to turn parts of Africa into settlements.
@ -87,11 +88,11 @@ The war and the adherence of the majority of the European population to the repr
Finally, the last example of French colonization of settlement, New Caledonia. Annexed by the France in 1853, it first served as a prison.
Here too, the deportations of populations were used.
Faced with the resistance of the Kanak population (and the risk of its complete disappearance), the French “imported” from 1893 Japanese workers to work in the nickel mines, and Tonkinese migrants from 1924 under employment contracts that left them without any defense against the local French employers.
Faced with the resistance of the Kanak population (and the risk of its complete disappearance), the French \enquote{imported} from 1893 Japanese workers to work in the nickel mines, and Tonkinese migrants from 1924 under employment contracts that left them without any defense against the local French employers.
But the example of New Caledonia is interesting because of the voluntary policy of minorization of the Kanak people carried out rationally from 1972, at the instigation of the Prime Minister of the time, Pierre Messmer.
The latter, in a letter to the Minister of the DOM-TOM*\rfootnote{DOM-TOM :\emph{ Départements d'Outre Mer-Territoires d'Outre Mer} which means oversea departments- oversea territories.}, wrote then:
“New Caledonia, a settlement colony, although doomed to multiracial variety, is probably the last non-independent tropical territory in the world where a developed country can emigrate its nationals. (...)
\enquote{New Caledonia, a settlement colony, although doomed to multiracial variety, is probably the last non-independent tropical territory in the world where a developed country can emigrate its nationals. (...)}\rfootnote{Missing end quote in original text}
\begin{quote}
\enquote{In the short and medium term, the massive immigration of metropolitan French citizens or citizens from overseas departments (Reunion), should make it possible to avoid this danger (a nationalist demand, Editor's note), by maintaining and improving the digital relationship of communities. (...)
@ -146,7 +147,7 @@ Italians, Russians, Armenians, Eastern European Jews, Chinese, Japanese, etc. pr
For the migrant, it is a question of reconstituting a privileged social space. For him, it is a question of survival in an environment that is generally hostile.
It was not until the second generation that these privileged relationships faded. They continue thanks to political, cultural, religious associations, etc.
Without over-extrapolating, we realize that “community” solidarities\footnote{The term “community” is, like the term “ethnicity”, of delicate use. It assumes that migrants from the same country form a coherent whole, with collective and identity reactions.
Without over-extrapolating, we realize that \enquote{community} solidarities\footnote{The term \enquote{community} is, like the term \enquote{ethnicity}, of delicate use. It assumes that migrants from the same country form a coherent whole, with collective and identity reactions.
Nothing is less certain. There are networks of sociability, more or less well organized.
In this case, in the absence of a more suitable term, this term refers to the reception network around the migrant, his family, his neighbors, relationships ...} — solidarity in departure, solidarity in arrival, solidarity in integration processes — still function in the same way today.
@ -156,12 +157,12 @@ France, a country of immigration since the nineteenth century, welcomed since th
At the same time, this demand was partly met by internal migration in the country.
Rural French people left their land very early to migrate to the cities in search of a complementary income\footnote{Many rural French, Spanish or Italian people sought paid employment during the off-peak seasons, which they left to return to cultivate and harvest.
This is the case whenever a farm is too small to support the family. In some cases, it is the children who offer their services in this way, while waiting to settle in turn on the family farm.} or more remunerative work.
The nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth century saw men and women from the most repulsive regions leave their “country” to work “in the city”.
The nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth century saw men and women from the most repulsive regions leave their \enquote{country} to work \enquote{in the city}.
It can be the capital of the canton as the regional capital or Paris. Their routes are often similar to intercontinental migrations.
Bretons, Corsicans, Auvergnats, to name the most numerous, arrive in the city where they welcome solidarity networks similar to those of foreign migrants.
The reactions against them are not tender. How many texts, newspaper articles to denounce these provincials as “dirty”, “crude”, “unassimilable”...
How many others to explain that the Poles do not practice “the same Christianity” as the French and that they are not able to integrate into French society.
The reactions against them are not tender. How many texts, newspaper articles to denounce these provincials as \enquote{dirty}, \enquote{crude}, \enquote{unassimilable}...
How many others to explain that the Poles do not practice \enquote{the same Christianity} as the French and that they are not able to integrate into French society.
In all cases, there is a phenomenon of competition on the labour market between nationals and migrants, exacerbated in the event of economic difficulties, and which employers know how to take advantage of to lower wages.
@ -210,10 +211,10 @@ Mass migration began after the Second World War.
Recruiters are then numerous and determined to bring in cheap labor, which can not have significant requirements in terms of social protection and comfort of life, at the request of large mining, automotive, construction and public works companies.
These were all sectors that required a low-skilled workforce accepting difficult working conditions.
The turning point took place in the 1970s. Faced with the economic crisis that is looming, in the face of industrial restructuring, the French government announces its desire for “zero immigration”.
France, like Western Europe, no longer needs migrants. They cannot, according to a formula that will make a fortune later, "welcome all the misery of the world".
The turning point took place in the 1970s. Faced with the economic crisis that is looming, in the face of industrial restructuring, the French government announces its desire for \enquote{zero immigration}.
France, like Western Europe, no longer needs migrants. They cannot, according to a formula that will make a fortune later, \enquote{welcome all the misery of the world}.
As a result, rich countries set up legal barriers and a police arsenal to restrict the entry into their territories of these migrants from countries sometimes described as “Third World countries”, “underdeveloped countries”, “developing countries”, “countries of the South”...
As a result, rich countries set up legal barriers and a police arsenal to restrict the entry into their territories of these migrants from countries sometimes described as \enquote{Third World countries}, \enquote{underdeveloped countries}, \enquote{developing countries}, \enquote{countries of the South}...
This policy is mixed with a practice of great hypocrisy which consists in employing migrants, preferably in an illegal situation, in companies at prices lower than nationals.
By imposing wages below the wages commonly applied, companies know that in the more or less long term, it is everyone's wages that will fall.
@ -234,7 +235,7 @@ Some suffer situations that are practically slavery.
Pakistani or Filipino migrants, for example, forced to move to the Gulf States - major recruiters of labour from the Third World - have their passports confiscated as soon as they arrive and are forced to work under any conditions.
The case of a Sarah Balabagan\rfootnote{Sarah Balabagan, is a Filipina who was employed as a housemaid in the United Arab Emirates. She killed her employer in self-defense while he was trying to rape her.
She was sentenced to seven years imprisonment and ordered to pay 150,000 dirhams (US\$40,000) in blood money to her employer's relatives, while at the same time awarded 100,000 dirhams (US\$27,000) as compensation for the rape
She was sentenced to seven years imprisonment and ordered to pay 150,000 dirhams (US\$40,000) in blood money to her employer's relatives, while at the same time awarded 100,000 dirhams (US\$27,000) as compensation for the rape.
However, the prosecution appealed the verdict, calling for the death penalty. On September 6, 1995, a second Islamic court found no evidence of rape and convicted her of premeditated murder, sentencing her to death by firing squad.
At her third trial, her sentence was reduced to a year's imprisonment and 100 cane strokes , along with payment of blood money.}, or, closer to us, a Véronique Akobé\rfootnote{Véronique Akobé, an undocumented Ivorian woman who have been employed as a maid by a Grasse industrial. She was raped by her employer and his son.
At the third collective rape, she wounded her boss and killed his son. Arrested in 1987, sentenced to 20 years in jail in 1990, she was pardoned in 1996}, are indicative of the new conditions available to migrants: more and more precariousness, less and less security.
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