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bboc.tex

@ -191,7 +191,7 @@ The other, more recent, certainly richer in information and more "up-to-date", w
Braudel's point of view, like that of Marx, pays particular attention to the socio-economic infrastructure of history, but differs from it because it does not give a central place to the division of society into opposing classes.
The confrontation of the two points of view could have been exciting: it is unfortunately absent from the work of Braudel, who obviously had not read Marx (at least that part of Capital that covered the same subject)\footnote{Cf. J. Suret-Canale, "Braudel as seen by Pierre Daix", La Pensée n° 307, 3rd trimester 1996, pp. 160-161.}.
\section{The market, and the 'antediluvian' forms of Capital}
\section[’Antediluvian’ forms of Capital]{The market, and the 'antediluvian' forms of Capital}
The class societies that preceded capitalism were characterized by a personal bond from the dominant to the dominated (slave, tributary, serf, etc.).
@ -237,7 +237,7 @@ In these forms, there is also accumulation, but not through the creation of weal
The advent of productive capitalism, essentially industrial, in addition to the technical conditions already mentioned, presupposes economic and social conditions.
\section{The 'liberation' of the workforce: impoverishment and exploitation of the peasantry}
\section[The 'liberation' of the workforce]{The 'liberation' of the workforce: impoverishment and exploitation of the peasantry}
The first condition is the existence of a "free" workforce, that is to say, free from feudal or seigneurial obligations and servitudes;
but also devoid of any autonomous means of subsistence (and in particular land).
@ -404,7 +404,7 @@ Europeans will quickly give up penetrating the interior of Africa: coastal state
and defending their fruitful monopoly both against the Europeans and against the African populations of the Interior.
It was not until the end of the eighteenth century that explorations into the interior of the continent began, with the idea of direct access to the African market.
\section{The human drain of the slave trade and the treatment of slaves}
\section[The human drain of the slave trade]{The human drain of the slave trade and the treatment of slaves}
How many Africans were transported across the Atlantic, from the early sixteenth century to the mid-nineteenth century
(the slave trade continued for several decades after its prohibition, in 1815 north of Ecuador, in 1842 for the South Atlantic)?
@ -470,7 +470,7 @@ Rochambeau Jr., commander after the death of General Leclerc of the expeditionar
It goes without saying that the example given here of the French colonies, for the treatment of slaves, can be extended to all the other colonies.
\section{The slave trade and slavery in the nineteenth century}
\section[Slavery in the nineteenth century]{The slave trade and slavery in the nineteenth century}
The prohibition of the trade, despite the repression of the British squadrons, was not enforced and it was not until around 1860 that the traffic ended.
@ -579,7 +579,7 @@ It will make possible this classified ad in a St. Petersburg newspaper:
"For sale, a wig maker and a cow of good breed". This reinforced exploitation of the peasantry allows the large owners to make money by massively exporting food and raw materials to Western Europe: cereals, flax, wood, etc.
The maritime cities of the Hansa (German and Baltic), then the Dutch, finally the English, will be the intermediaries and beneficiaries of this trade.
\section{Market capital and financial capital (usurious). From mercantilism to liberalism}
\section[Market capital and financial capital]{Market capital and financial capital (usurious). From mercantilism to liberalism}
The colonial system of the sixteenth-eighteenth centuries is based on monopoly:
royal monopoly at first for Spain and Portugal, then monopoly of privileged companies such as the various companies of the Indies (Dutch, English, French).
@ -666,7 +666,7 @@ Jean Suret-Canale, volunteer veteran of the Resistance, interned resistance figh
former member of the Central Committee of the French Communist Party, is an honorary lecturer at the University of Paris VII.
A geographer and historian, he is the author of a dozen books on black Africa and the Third World.
\chapter{Servile economy and capitalism: a quantifiable overview}
\chapter[Servile economy and capitalism]{Servile economy and capitalism: a quantifiable overview}
In his 118th Persian Letter, Montesquieu noted in 1721 that Africa's coasts
"must have been furiously stripped for two hundred years that little kings or village chiefs sell their subjects to the princes of Europe to carry them to their colonies in America".
@ -759,7 +759,7 @@ creating real empires of "slave economy", whose only activity was the penetratio
The relative prosperity, due to the economic take-off of West Africa (sensitive from the twelfth century), could not survive such shocks.
By 1800, the entire continent had regressed by a millennium.
\section{The share of the servile economy in the "primitive accumulation"}
\section[Servile economy and "primitive accumulation"]{The share of the servile economy in the "primitive accumulation"}
It seems inconceivable that twenty million men, women and children have been uprooted from their homes and land to address a productivity problem:
given the risks of transatlantic trade, the wage bill had to be reduced to zero in order to obtain a satisfactory profit.

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